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It Is Illegal to Criticize the Royal Family in Thailand

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Laws criminalising the defamation, insulting, or threatening of the monarch of Thailand

Lèse-majesté (a French term meaning "to do wrong to majesty") in Thailand is a crime according to Section 112 of the Thai Criminal Code. Information technology is illegal to defame, insult, or threaten the monarch of Thailand (male monarch, queen, buyer, heir-presumptive, or regent). Modernistic Thai lèse-majesté constabulary has been on the statute books since 1908. Thailand is the but constitutional monarchy to have strengthened its lèse-majesté law since World War II. With penalties ranging from three to fifteen years imprisonment for each count, it has been described equally the "world's harshest lèse majesté constabulary"[one] and "peradventure the strictest criminal-defamation police anywhere";[2] its enforcement "has been in the interest of the palace".[3] : 134

The law has criminalised acts of insult since 1957. There is substantial room for interpretation, which causes controversy. Broad interpretation of the police reflects the inviolable condition of the king, resembling feudal or absolute monarchs. Thailand'southward Supreme Courtroom decided the law also applies to prior monarchs. Criticism of any privy quango member has raised the question whether lèse-majesté applies by association. Fifty-fifty attempting to commit lèse-majesté, making sarcastic comments about the King's pet, and failure to rebuke an offense have been prosecuted as lèse-majesté.

Anyone can file a lèse-majesté complaint, and the police formally investigate all of them.[iv] Details of the charges are rarely made public. A Section 112 accused meets with official obstruction throughout the example. There are months-long pretrial detentions, and courts routinely deny bail to those charged. The United Nations Working Grouping on Capricious Detention determined that the pretrial detention of an alleged lèse-majesté offender violated international human rights law.[5] The courts seem non to recognise the principle of granting defendants the do good of the doubt. Judges have said accusers did not take to prove the factuality of the declared lèse-majesté material but only claim information technology is defamatory. Pleading guilty, then asking for a royal pardon, is seen as the quickest route to freedom for any defendant.

Since a 1976 insurrection, insurrection makers have regularly cited a surge of alleged lèse-majesté charges every bit a reason for overthrowing elected governments. This was cited equally one of the major reasons for the 2006 coup[6] and that of 2014.[half-dozen] In 2006 and 2007, at that place were notable changes in the trend. Those targeted past lèse-majesté complaints included more than average citizens who were given longer jail sentences. Homo rights groups condemned its use equally a political weapon and a means to restrict liberty. The 2014 junta authorities granted authorization to regular army courts to prosecute lèse-majesté, which has commonly resulted in secret trials and harsh sentences. Prior to the law's revival in 2020,[7] for 3 years the Thai regime often invoked other laws, such as the Estimator Crimes Deed and sedition laws, to bargain with perceived damages and insults to the monarchy.[8] [9] The longest recorded sentence was in 2021: 87 years imprisonment, reduced to 43 years because the defendant pleaded guilty.[x]

History [edit]

Origin and early on developments [edit]

In the feudal era, monarchs, majestic officials, royal symbols, and wrongdoings in the palace were protected from many kinds of "violation".[11] : 23–24 Crimes against imperial symbols profoundly affected the social structure of the sakdina era.[11] : 24–5 [ clarification needed ]

The oldest version of lèse-majesté law was in the modern defamation law of 1900, enacted to protect the monarch'south reputation.[12] : three It made acts against the king acts against the state.[12] : 3

The Siamese criminal code of 1908 separated the Male monarch and the state. It penalised persons who displayed malice or defamed the King, the Queen Consort, the Heir-apparent, or the Regent. Anyone doing then was subject to imprisonment not exceeding vii years or fines of not more than 5,000 baht, or both.[12] : 3 Other sections provided protection from displays of malice or defamation of "the princes or princesses from whichever reign"[12] : 3 or from those who "create disloyalty" or "insult the rex", and "crusade the people to transgress the majestic laws".[12] : 3–4

As the print media was becoming widespread, the criminal code was strengthened in 1928 to penalise crimes of "advocates or teachers of whatsoever political or economic doctrine or system, intended or calculated to bring into hatred or antipathy the Sovereign".[12] : 4

Lèse-majesté law did not change significantly later on the 1932 Siamese Revolution, because the Khana Ratsadon compromised and added the inviolable status of the rex in the Constitution continues to the present solar day.[11] : 28 However, the law included an exclusion clause for "an expression of adept faith" or "a critical and unbiased comment on governmental or authoritative acts".[12] : 4 During that time, give-and-take well-nigh the monarchy was nevertheless free. This allowed discussion over whether Thailand be a constitutional monarchy in 1949, and a 1956 lecture by a legal scholar which said the rex should non express an opinion on economic, political and social problems with no countersign.[11] : xxx [ clarification needed ]

1957 changes: criminalisation of insult [edit]

"... information technology might non be truthful, and even if information technology were truthful, [it] should non be publicized as in that location is no legislation that allows information technology. And regarding the institution of the monarchy, information technology should exist revered by the people, in an inviolable status, always higher up any criticism."[11] : 38–9
— A Court decision in 1986, ruling that gossip could exist
lèse-majesté even if information technology were true.

On 1 January 1957, the criminal lawmaking of 1956 came into force.[12] : 18 Since and then, lèse-majesté forbade insult, in addition to the existing crimes of threats or defamation. The alter broadly expanded the applicability of the police.[12] : six Lèse-majesté was inverse from an law-breaking confronting the monarchy to an law-breaking confronting national security,[3] : 133 removing the correct to limited opinions which might exist insulting to the monarchy if said within the spirit of the constitution.[12] : 6

Thai Cold War dictator Sarit Thanarat, claimed national security, and used lèse-majesté charges to suppress political opponents, leading to some executions. He besides handed over lèse-majesté cases to courts-martial.[13]

Court decisions shortly after the change still took context into consideration. In December 1957, a case against a politician was dismissed because a political campaign was underway.[eleven] : 32–3

Change later on the vi October 1976 massacre [edit]

On 21 October 1976, two weeks after the vi Oct 1976 massacre and the same twenty-four hours coup by the National Administrative Reform Council (NARC), led by Admiral Sangad Chaloryu, NARC issued Order No.41 that including Article 112 revision to strengthen defamation laws as they explained in the order that current laws had been unsuitable for an instability political state of affairs at that fourth dimension. They mentioned the Monarchy and faith for example. [14] In Society No.41, the penalty for lèse-majesté was toughened from a maximum of seven years imprisonment to three to fifteen years per count. Except for the Earth War Ii Empire of Nihon, Thailand is the simply constitutional monarchy that strengthened lèse-majesté in the 20th century.[fifteen] : 115–116

Between 1977 and 1986 when the purple power base grew among the urban middle class, the "kinship" and "bond" relationship was created between the people and the king too as its modern "inviolable" condition.[11] : 37–viii Since and so, court decisions and legal scholars' comments have interpreted lèse-majesté police to mean the king could not be criticised in any way.[xi] : 38–nine

Examples of cases of insult include a politician, in 1988, who served four years in prison for suggesting that life would take been easier had he been born in the palace,[3] : 134 and a human in 1976 who was arrested on charges of lèse-majesté for using a royal village lookout man scarf to wipe a table.[3] : 134 Acts deemed insulting to the majestic image include placing photographs of anybody on a website above those of the rex.[16] In March 2007, Oliver Jufer, a Swiss man, was sentenced to 10 years in prison for daubing black paint on portraits of King Bhumibol while drunk in Chiang Mai,[17] [eighteen] although he received a purple pardon the post-obit month.[19]

Political weaponisation [edit]

lèse-majesté cases filed in Thailand, 2007–17[20]
Twelvemonth No. of instance
2007 36
2008 55
2009 104
2010 65
2011 37
2012 25
2013 57
2014 99
2015 116
2016 101
2017 (9 mo.) 45

Between 1990 and 2005, there was an average of five new lèse-majesté cases per year. Since and so, withal, there have been at to the lowest degree 400 cases—an estimated 1,500 pct increase.[21] Prior to the 2006 coup, targets of lèse-majesté were generally politicians, loftier-ranking bureaucrats and extra-constitutional figures, merely afterwards 2007, common people were charged.[fifteen] : 124 The law was interpreted to encompass past monarchs and symbols associated with the monarch. No 1 had been sentenced to more than ten years in jail before 2007.[11] : 40–1 Observers attributed the increasing number of lèse-majesté cases to King Bhumibol's public invitation of criticism in 2005, increased polarization following the 2006 military insurrection, and to speculation over his declining health in the period before his expiry in 2016.[21]

In 2005, cases registered in the Attorney General's office rose sharply from 12 new cases in 2000–2004 to 17.[12] : 17 Thai Rak Thai and Democrat Party as well every bit opposition movement People'due south Alliance for Commonwealth traded lèse-majesté accusations.[xv] : 124 Former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra'southward alleged lèse-majesté was 1 of the stated reasons for the Thai military'due south 2006 coup.[22] [23] [24] Afterward the coup, dozens of radio stations were shut down considering of alleged lèse-majesté.[25]

Academics have been investigated, imprisoned, and forced into exile over accusations of lèse-majesté. Prominent historian Somsak Jeamteerasakul was arrested for proposing an eight-point program to reform of the monarchy.[26] [27] Professor Giles Ji Ungpakorn went into exile in 2007 after his book, A Insurrection for the Rich, questioned Bhumibol'south role in the 2006 coup.[28] In March 2011, Worachet Pakeerat, a police force lecturer, banded together with same-minded lecturers and formed the Nitirat Grouping, aiming to amend the lèse-majesté law. He proposed reducing the maximum jail term to three years, a circumstance for pardoning, and that only the Office of His Majesty'south Principal Private Secretary could file a complaint. His deportment angered many people. In February 2012, he was assaulted in broad daylight in Bangkok.[29]

During the government of Yingluck Shinawatra, the number of arrests and convictions for lèse-majesté offences declined significantly.[five] However, she said she would not seek to reform the law.[30] There were 478 cases in 2010.[31]

A banner in Bangkok informs that using social media to "similar" or "share" a picture or article could land them in prison house. The banner asks people to "bring together together to protect the monarchy".

In May 2014, the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), the military junta, granted authorisation to a military machine tribunal to prosecute lèse-majesté in Thailand.[32] Armed services courts routinely imposed harsher sentences than civilian courts would. In Baronial 2015, the Bangkok Military Courtroom sentenced Pongsak Sriboonpeng to lx years in prison for his six Facebook postings (later reduced to thirty years, when he pleaded guilty). This was Thailand's longest recorded sentence for lèse-majesté.[33] [34] The courts were dubbed "kangaroo courts."[35] The armed forces government has never successfully extradited someone living abroad.[36]

iLaw, a Thai not-profit organisation, reported that the junta concord persons in custody for seven days without charges. Undercover trials were held. Officials seized personal communication devices to search for incriminating show.[37]

In December 2014, the parents of Srirasmi Suwadee, formerly a Thai princess, were sentenced for "insulting the majestic family and lodging a malicious merits".[38]

In 2015, Prachatai published an infographic showing that bathroom graffiti, a hand gesture, a hearsay study of a taxi chat, and not standing during the playing of the royal anthem, amidst other things, could be punished as acts of lèse-majesté.[39] A nurse wearing black on Bhumibol Adulyadej's birthday was charged with lèse-majesté.[40]

The concluding formal try to ameliorate the law occurred in May 2012 when more than 10,000 people signed a petition to parliament, just Speaker of the House of Representatives, Somsak Kiatsuranont, dismissed it citing that amendment of the police force concerning the monarchy was not a constitutional right.[41]

Utilize under Vajiralongkorn [edit]

Missing poster of Wanchalearm Satsaksit, alleged lèse-majesté offender, who was disappeared in Cambodia in June 2020. It is speculated that his accusation is the motive.

In December 2016, Jatupat "Pai" Boonpattararaksa, a rights grouping member, was accused of lèse-majesté for sharing a BBC Thai biography of Thailand's new rex, Vajiralongkorn. He was the only person to be arrested even though more than than two,600 people besides shared the story, likewise every bit the publisher BBC Thai, which did non face up prosecution.[42] In May 2017, the armed services junta stated that but viewing material is considered lèse-majesté and is a violation of the law.[43] As of November 2018, at least 127 people have been charged with lèse-majesté since the latest insurrection.[44]

In 2017, there was a case of a 14-year-old who was accused of lèse-majesté for burning downwardly a imperial decoration arch in Khon Kaen. This was the start prosecution of a pocket-sized.[45] A lawyer who did non accept legal proceeding claiming that the court act in the name of the King who had conflict of involvement in such cases, thus impartial and unjust.[45] At that place were several depression-contour instances where the authorities did not prosecute, simply used other intimidation methods instead, such as holding the individual in military custody for vii days, checking for communication devices, asking them to unfollow a Facebook folio, or asking them to make a video expressing loyalty to the monarch.[45]

Every bit of November 2017[update], a total of 38 of these cases, 34.two per centum, were in the military court system.[46]

The Attorney General's directive, dated 21 February 2018, issued a new guideline for prosecution. Now, only the Attorney General tin file a lèse-majesté case. In June 2018, a new regulation was issued, assuasive public persecutors to decide confronting prosecuting cases that did not serve the public interest.[47] Unprecedented moves followed, including dismissal of lèse-majesté cases even though the defendants pleaded guilty, and those charged had received bail in sure cases.[47] However, the authorities now favour invoking other laws instead, such as the Computer Criminal offence Act and the sedition law.[47] On 15 June 2020, Thai prime government minister and one-time 2014 Thai coup d'état leader Prayut Chan-o-cha confirmed this stance, stating that Rex Vajiralongkorn had chosen for no further use of Section 112.[48]

Afterwards the forced disappearance of Wanchalearm Satsaksit, an alleged lèse-majesté offender, in June 2020, #ยกเลิก112 (repeal 112) trended offset on Twitter in Thailand with more than 500,000 retweets, equally netizens believed his accusations motivated his abduction.[49] In August, protests confronting the authorities included calls to reform the monarchy, including the abolition of Article 112.[l]

During 2020 Thai protests, the government revived lèse-majesté law in response.[7] In Jan 2021, a woman was sentenced to 43 years' imprisonment for multiple charges of sharing sensitive audio clips online without commenting.[51]

In January 2021, ousted opposition politician Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit was charged with lèse-majesté after criticizing Prayut Chan-o-cha'due south government's mismanagement of COVID-19 vaccination by relying too much on the AstraZeneca vaccine, which Siam Bioscience, endemic past the King, supplies the amount of, even with a lack of vaccine experience. The Royal Thai Police force charged him for publishing his 18 January Facebook Live stream.[52] Later, Puttipong Punnakanta filed the charge through Technology Crime Suppression Division and the court ordered that the video be taken down.[53] [54] Later on, in Baronial 2021, Thanathorn faced 2 more lèse-majesté charges for the same human activity.[55]

Anchan P. was handed 87-year prison house sentence for uploading and sharing videos on the internet of an online talk prove after she had been detained in jail for nearly 4 years from 2015. Then, in 2021, the court reduced her conviction by half to 43 and a half years due to her guilty plea. The UN Human Rights Committee has declared that "imprisonment is never an appropriate penalty" for lèse-majesté cases. [56]

Statistics [edit]

Statistics of lèse-majesté cases in Thailand[12] : 17
Year New cases Confidence
1984–1989 thirty 15/19 (78.95%)
1990–1994 26 xviii/xix (94.74%)
1995–1999 32 21/23 (91.30%)
2000–2005 29 fifteen/xvi (93.75%)

Social context and impact [edit]

The late King Bhumibol Adulyadej was accorded an almost divine reverence,[57] which still holds true today.

Male monarch Rama Six believed that insults to the king are also insults to his power source—the people. The king felt every subject is also insulted.[11] : 26–7

David Streckfuss, a scholar on Thai human rights and politics, commented that lèse-majesté is one factor defining neo-absolutism in Thailand.[xv] : 110 Lèse-majesté is used in less democratic monarchies to protect the system of power.[15] : 113 Thai mainstream media has supported the use of the law and avoid covering it.[fifteen] : 117 The media do not discuss the role of the monarchy in politics, thus creating a distorted view of the political scene.[fifteen] : 117 Lèse-majesté and communism were in one case the definition of the ultimate traitor. With the turn down of communism, however, lèse-majesté began to define new kinds of traitors.[fifteen] : 127

Michael Kelly Connors, a professor in social science at the Academy of Nottingham, wrote the king had a dual position—an amanuensis of political and economical interests and the soul of the nation showing the glaring disparity between social classes, and thus required controlled imagery. The stage-managed part of the monarch, the compulsory respect shown to the establishment, and the pressure of social conformity left many people with a taste of bitterness which few felt confident to express. Thai elites feared the Thai monarchy would be subjected to mockery once it was open up to scrutiny, merely like the British monarchy.[3] : 133–iv

Streckfuss and Preechasilpakul wrote that lèse-majesté remains the almost stiff political charge in Thailand and the number of charges increased in times of political upheaval.[12] : 2 Human rights groups say the lèse-majesté laws accept been used as a political weapon to stifle complimentary voice communication.[iv] Political scientist Giles Ungpakorn noted that "the lèse-majesté laws are not really designed to protect the institution of the monarchy. In the past, the laws have been used to protect governments and to shield military coups from lawful criticism. This whole [purple] paradigm is created to bolster a bourgeois elite well beyond the walls of the palace."[58] Nonetheless, Connors argued that while some have used information technology every bit a political weapon, it has always been in the interests of the palace.[3] : 134

Gimmicky scope of the police [edit]

"Commodity 112 of the Criminal Code is a legislation which supports Article 8 of the Constitution[a] for practical implementation, so at that place are no grounds to claim it violates or is inconsistent with Commodity 8 of the Constitution."[xi] : 20
— A Constitutional Court determination in 2012.

Comparison of lèse-majesté laws[xv] : 115
Country Max. jail term (years)
Netherlands 0.3[59]
Kingdom of denmark one
Spain ii
Morocco iii
Norway 5
Sweden half-dozen
Thailand xv

Section 112 of Thai Criminal Code currently reads as follows:

"Whoever defames, insults or threatens the King, the Queen, the Heir-apparent or the Regent, shall exist punished with imprisonment of three to xv years."

As lèse-majesté is one of the offences relating to the security of the kingdom, according to Section 7 of the Thai Criminal Code. Fifty-fifty alleged offences committed outside the kingdom can be punished within Thailand. Thai courts accept demonstrated they will prosecute and jail even non-Thai citizens for offences committed outside of the kingdom as proven in the instance against American citizen Joe Gordon who police arrested in May 2011 when he visited Thailand for medical treatment. The court later sentenced him to 5 years in jail.[60]

David Streckfuss opined that lèse majesté constabulary is not necessarily controversial, even some Western democratic countries seem to have severe jail punishment, if rarely used.[15] : 119

In 2007, a controversy arose over whether criticism of members of Rex Bhumibol's privy council likewise constituted criticism of Bhumibol.[61] Law Special Co-operative Commander Lt Gen Theeradech Rodpho-thong, who refused to file charges of lèse-majesté against activists who launched a petition to oust Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda,[62] was demoted within days of the incident by Police Commander Seripisut Temiyavet.[63]

The Supreme Court of Thailand decided in 2013 that the constabulary likewise applies to all previous monarchs, further broadening the law's attain.

In a Kafkaesque twist, even calls to reform lèse-majesté laws take, themselves, resulted in charges of lèse-majesté.[64] [ failed verification ]

In 2013, a man was institute guilty of "preparing and attempting" to commit an act of lèse-majesté. He had images and captions deemed lèse-majesté in his electronic device—which, his accusers said, potentially could take been spread online. He was plant guilty despite the law providing that mere preparation of the human action is not a legal offence.[65]

In 2016, a singer and activist, in addition to his prison sentence for defaming the monarchy, was ordered to write a song promoting "national reconciliation" afterward completing his sentence. The court gild to write a song is outside the scope of the punishments in the Criminal Code.[66]

Considering of the uncertain and unpredictable nature of the offense charges, defendants oft do not competition them and plead guilty.[xi] : 43 Lèse-majesté leads to self-censorship and vigilantism.[11] : 43–four

Legal proceedings [edit]

In 2013, a person filed lèse-majesté charges against his own blood brother, showing how easily the lèse-majesté law tin can exist misused, and that the law has now go a potential weapon in family feuds. Often the police, courts, and prosecutors are afraid they volition exist defendant of disloyalty to the monarch if they fail to prosecute allegations of lèse-majesté.[five] Additionally, there are cyberbullying cases where fake accounts were created and lèse-majesté textile was posted to create misunderstanding that the person actually committed a crime.[67]

Article 14 of the Computer Crimes Act Exist 2550 (2007), which broadly bars the circulation through estimator systems of information and material accounted detrimental to national security, has also been used to prosecute cases of lèse-majesté.[68]

In that location have been occasions when lèse-majesté cases have been transferred to court-martial, most recently during the National Council for Peace and Social club regime after the 2014 insurrection. At that place are differences between court-martial decisions compared to noncombatant court ones, including protection of any previous monarchs. Alleged counts are considered separately, making the punishment twice as harsh; the right to bail is restricted in wartime.[69]

Detainees are seen barefoot and shackled at the ankles when brought to court.[35] The courts sometimes utilise videoconferencing systems for courtroom proceedings, and so that defendants do non have to be physically nowadays in the court. Two detainees have died in military machine custody. One hanged himself, and the other died of a claret infection, according to his autopsy.[70]

Judges have besides said the accuser did non necessarily have to show the information was factual claiming, "because if it is true, it is more than defamatory, and if information technology isn't truthful, then it's super-defamatory".[71] Asked why the Criminal Courtroom did not grant the benefit of the doubt to the defendant in the case of Ampon Tangnoppakul, Court of Justice spokesperson Sitthisak Wanachaikit replied:

When the public prosecutor who institutes the proceedings can exercise his burden of proof to the extent of bringing to light the evil intent of the defendant...the accused needs to exist punished according to the gravity of the case.[72]

Professor Peter Leyland of SOAS, Academy of London and Professor Emeritus of London Metropolitan Academy, explained:

It [the lese majeste offence] can be committed entirely without criminal intent. In that location is no demand for the prosecuting regime to bring any evidence to bear relating to foresight on the part of the defendant with regard to the fact of the statement or bear. [...] The constabulary, prosecuting regime and judges not only act in the name of the King, simply there is an expectation that their loyalty to the Crown will exist reflected in an outcome that confirms the dignity of the Male monarch at the expense of the accused.[fifteen] : 130

Court proceedings are lengthy, and defendants often pleading guilty every bit the quickest road to freedom.[73] Courtroom decisions are often overturned in the higher courts, thus lengthening the proceedings.[73] Noncombatant courts often handed sentences of 5 years imprisonment per count, while military courts oftentimes handed sentences of ten years per count.[41]

Authorities measures [edit]

Cyberspace censorship [edit]

The Office of Prevention and Suppression of Information Technology Crimes maintains a "war room" to monitor for pages which disparage the monarchy. A web crawler is used to search the internet. When an offending image or language is found, the role obtains a court order blocking the site. On 28 October 2008, The Ministry of Information and Communication Technology (MICT) announced plans to spend about 100–500 million baht to build a gateway to cake websites with contents defaming the royal institution.[74]

In 2008, more than 4,800 webpages accounted insulting to Thailand'southward regal family were blocked.[75] In December 2010, nearly threescore,000 websites had been banned for alleged insults against Bhumibol. In 2011, the number increased to 70,000.[76]

On 4 April 2007, the Thai authorities blocked Thai access to YouTube as a effect of a video prune which information technology deemed insulting to the king.[77] [78] [79]

The website of Same Sky Books, publishers of Same Sky mag, was close downwardly subsequently comments on its message lath questioned mainstream media'due south claims that the unabridged country was in mourning over the expiry of Princess Galyani Vadhana.[80]

In Dec 2015, the courtroom verdict against Chiranuch Premchaiporn, webmaster of the news website Prachatai, was upheld in the highest court: "an eight-month suspended jail sentence and a 20,000 baht fine".[81] Previously, she had been jailed without bail for almost a twelvemonth for not removing—in 2008[81]—an allegedly insulting comment from an article fast enough. Although the comments did not directly mention Bhumibol or members of his family, the court found that Chiranuch displayed an intent to insult. Arrested in September 2010, she could face to 50 years' imprisonment if establish guilty.[82] [83]

In 2016, Facebook blocked users in Thailand from accessing a folio satirising Thailand's purple family unit, citing the lèse-majesté law. Around the same time, in that location was speculation that the junta was able to obtain private chat logs of Facebook users.[84]

In 2019, the Facebook page "Royalist Marketplace" was launched as a forum by academic Pavin Chachavalpongpun to hash out and criticise the Thai monarchy freely. The Thai authorities shut down access in Thailand to the Facebook page, which has accumulated around one million users. Facebook may exist appealing,[85] while Chachavalpongpun is facing a charge of cybercrime.[86] He has since launched a replacement Facebook page.[87]

Abuse of psychiatry [edit]

On July 9, 2020, Tiwagorn Withiton, a Facebook user who went viral subsequently posting a picture of himself wearing a t-shirt printed with the message, "I lost faith in the monarchy" was forcibly detained past police officers and admitted to Rajanagarindra Psychiatric Hospital in Khon Kaen.[88] Tiwaporn is quoted equally saying, "I well sympathize that it is political to accept to make people retrieve I'1000 insane. I won't agree it against the officials if at that place is a diagnosis that I'g insane, because I accept it that they take to follow orders."[89] He was discharged about 2 weeks later on.[90]

Stance [edit]

Back up [edit]

The stated rationale for supporting lèse-majesté oftentimes centre around Thai identity and the presence of lèse-majesté and crimes against caput of state law in other countries.

Borwornsak Uwanno, Thai legal scholar, said that countries limited free speech according to their cultural-legal circumstances.[xv] : 129 In May 2016, justice minister Paiboon Koomchaya remarked on "concerns raised by Un Security Quango fellow member countries during the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in Geneva" on eleven May 2016: "that strange countries would not sympathize why Thailand needs the lèse-majesté law because they are not "civilised" nations with cultural refinement like ours".[91]

A Thai official said that the lèse-majesté law is similar to a libel law for commoners. Some abuse their rights by spreading hate spoken language or distorted information to incite hatred towards the monarchical institution. He besides assert that those who are defendant of lèse-majesté accept the right to a fair trial, and the opportunity to contest the charges and assistance from a lawyer, likewise as the right to entreatment.[92]

An attorney said lèse-majesté does not go confronting democracy and does not know why at that place is activism around the law.[93]

The Rubbish Collection Organization, a fascist ultra-royalist arrangement, supports persecution for lèse-majesté, and launched an ongoing online campaign of mobbing and doxxing victims, together with other methods of intimidation.[94] [95]

A gauge in a 2016 lèse-majesté case, when a man was sentenced to vii years and six months in prison said he would have given him a longer judgement, but the court's deputy president advised him on giving a shorter term.[96]

Opposition [edit]

The lèse-majesté police is described equally "draconian".[97] Amnesty International considers anyone jailed for insulting Bhumibol to be a political prisoner; if they had a peaceful expression and intent, a prisoner of conscience.[98]

Commodity 112 is typically deployed with politically expedient timing, rather than at the time of the supposed offense. Jakrapob Penkair, a erstwhile minister to the Function of the Prime Government minister, commented: "Information technology'due south non about your action; it's most the timing. They wait until the moment when you seem most vulnerable."[35]

Sulak Sivaraksa, a Thai social activist, said that he felt distressing that most Thai intellectuals did non encounter whatsoever harm in this law, calling them "docile livestock."[99]

The Un Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of the Right to Freedom of Stance and Expression, David Kaye, commenting "Public figures, including those exercising the highest political say-so, may exist bailiwick to criticism, and the fact that some forms of expression are considered to be insulting to a public figure is not sufficient to justify restrictions or penalties." Kaye went on to say that such laws, "accept no place in a democratic state" and chosen for Thailand to repeal them.[100]

In November 2015, Glyn T. Davies, the Us ambassador to Thailand, gave a voice communication criticising the long prison sentences handed to those constitute guilty of lèse-majesté. Police then investigated him.[101]

Activists confronting the law or those who seek to reform it include: Mainueng Kor Kunatee (a poet who was assassinated in 2014);[102] Somsak Jeamteerasakul; Giles Ji Ungpakorn;[103] Pavin Chachavalpongpun,[104] a one-time diplomat, and an acquaintance professor at the Kyoto University and a leader of a campaign to abolish Commodity 112 of the Thai criminal code; and The Nitirat group—an association of police lecturers who entrada for ramble reform and a modify of Thailand'southward lèse-majesté police force–including Worachet Pakeerut, Piyabutr Saengkanokkul, and Sawatree Suksri.[105]

Satirical reaction [edit]

Not The Nation, an bearding website[106] that satirises a Thai newspaper, The Nation, satirised the media and the public response to the instance of Thai American Joe Gordon in contrast to that paid to the drug-related case of Australian Schapelle Corby and to the pardoning of Greek-Cypriot-Australian Harry Nicolaides.[107] NTN afterward satirised plea bargaining in the "Uncle SMS" case.[108] In Dec 2013, NTN circumvented the chilling result of LMIT on word of succession with a discussion of the abdication of royal dog Thong Daeng.[109]

In July 2014, British comedian John Oliver described Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn as a "buffoon" and showed the leaked video of Vajiralongkorn and his topless married woman jubilant the birthday of the prince's poodle, Air Principal Align Foo Foo, in a satirical slice about monarchy in general on Final Week Tonight with John Oliver.[110] The Thai military government described Oliver every bit "undermining the purple establishment", to which Oliver responded by maxim: "Information technology seems my Thailand vacation is going to have to be postponed very much indefinitely. If I tin bring downward your monarchy, you have—at best—a wobbly monarchy."[111]

[edit]

The Charoen Pokphand (CP) group is alleged to have supported Section 112 via a CP Freshmart marketing discount campaign that ran from 12–xv February 2021 titled "LOVE112" that offered a 112 baht disbelieve for online purchases worth at least 666 baht.[112]

Abolitionism campaign [edit]

On v November 2021, the police activist group iLaw launched the first ever campaign to abolish Section 112 of the Penal Code through an initiative petition.[113] The petition attracted more than than 100,000 subscribers overnight, despite Thai law merely requiring 10,000 signatures for the petition to exist submitted to the parliament.[114]

See also [edit]

  • List of prosecuted lèse majesté cases in Thailand
  • Censorship in Thailand
  • Cyber Scouts (Thailand)
  • Human rights in Thailand
  • Red Gaurs
  • Rubbish Collection Organization
  • Nawaphon
  • Social Sanction (Thailand)

Notes [edit]

  1. ^ It reads: "The King shall be enthroned in a position of revered worship and shall not be violated. No person shall expose the King to any sort of allegation or action."

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Literature [edit]

  • Arnott, David; Franke, Peter (1993). "Majestätsbeleidigung, Sulak und die thailändischen Generäle". Südostasien informationen (in German). nine (2): 37. doi:10.11588/soai.1993.2.8336.
  • Chachavalpongpun, Pavin (2011). "Lese-majeste: An anachronistic merely potent weapon". Eastern asia Forum Quarterly. 3 (4): 26.
  • Greenfield, Kate (2013). "The Delinquent Lese Majeste Train: How Thailand's Lese Majeste Law Must Be Reformed in Social club to Finish Its Corruption". Southwestern Periodical of International Police. 19: 377.
  • Haberkorn, Tyrell (2016). "A Hyper-Royalist Parapolitics in Thailand". Bijdragen tot de Taal-, State- en Volkenkunde. 172 (ii–3): 225–248. doi:10.1163/22134379-17202003.
  • Streckfuss, David (1995). "Kings in the Age of Nations: The Paradox of Lese-Majeste every bit Political Crime in Thailand". Comparative Studies in Society and History. 37 (iii): 445–475. doi:10.1017/S0010417500019769. ISSN 0010-4175. JSTOR 179215.
  • David Streckfuss (2011), Truth on Trial in Thailand: Defamation, Treason and Lèse-majesté, Routledge, ISBN978-0-415-41425-eight
  • Van Reuben, Regina (2018). "Majestätsbeleidigung im Königreich Thailand". Südostasien informationen (in German language): 11. doi:10.11588/soai.1984.0.3947.

External links [edit]

  • Somyot Pruksakasemsuk (29 April 2014). "Contesting lese majeste constabulary from a jail cell". Bangkok Post.
  • "'Trash' md urges harsh medicine – Slammed for his lese majeste stance, Dr Rienthong is withal bent on weeding out wrongdoers". Bangkok Post. 26 Apr 2014. [ permanent expressionless link ]
  • "Monk accuses reddish DJs of lese majeste". Bangkok Postal service. 22 April 2014. [ permanent expressionless link ]
  • Kong Rithdee (xix April 2014). "Free spoken communication tied in lese majeste knot". Bangkok Mail.

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/L%C3%A8se-majest%C3%A9_in_Thailand

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